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The Link 

Published by Americans for 

Middle East Understanding, Inc. 

Volume 31, Issue 2 

April-May, 1998 

The Link

 interviewed Naeim 

Giladi, a Jew from Iraq, for three 
hours on March 16, 1998, two days 
prior to his 69

th

 birthday. For nearly 

two other delightful hours, we were 
treated to a multi-course Arabic 
meal prepared by his wife Rachel, 
who is also Iraqi.  “It’s our Arab 
culture,” he said proudly. 

In our previous 

Link,

 Israeli 

historian Ilan Pappe looked at the 
hundr eds of  thous a nds  of 
indigenous Palestinians whose lives 
were uprooted to make room for 
foreigners who would come to 
populate confiscated land.  Most 
were Ashkenazi Jews from Eastern 
Europe. But over half a million other 
Jews came from Islamic lands. 
Zionist propagandists claim that 
Israel “rescued” these Jews from 
their anti-Jewish, Muslim neighbors. 
One of those “rescued” Jews—
Naeim Giladi—knows otherwise. 

In his book, 

Ben Gurion’s 

Scandals: How the Haganah & the 
Mossad Eliminated Jews

, Giladi 

discusses the crimes committed by 
Zionists in their frenzy to import raw 
Jewish labor. Newly-vacated 
farmlands had to be plowed to 
provide food for the immigrants and 
the military ranks had to be filled 
with conscripts to defend the stolen 
lands. Mr. Giladi couldn’t get his 
book published in Israel, and even 
in the U.S. he discovered he could 
do so only if he used his own 
money.    His  book  is  listed  in  our 
catalog on pages 13-15. 

The Giladis, now U.S. citizens, 

live in New York City. By choice, 
they no longer hold Israeli 
citizenship. “I am Iraqi,” he told us, 
“born in Iraq, my culture still Iraqi 
Arabic, my religion Jewish, my 
citizenship American.” 

John F. Mahoney 

  

I

  write 

this article for the 

same reason I 

wrote my book: to 

tell the American 

people, and 

especially 

American Jews, 

that Jews from 

Islamic lands did 

not emigrate 

willingly to Israel; 

that, to force them 

to leave, Jews 

killed Jews; and 

that, to buy time to 

confiscate ever more Arab lands, Jews on 

numerous occasions rejected genuine 

peace initiatives from their Arab 

neighbors. 

I write about what the first prime 

minister of Israel called “cruel Zionism.” 

`çåíá åìÉÇ= çå=

The author, Naeim Giladi, pictured 

in 1947—the year his account for 

The Link 

begins.  

The Jews of Iraq 

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 AMEU Board of Directors

 

 

Hugh D. Auchincloss, Jr. 

Atwater, Bradley & Partners, Inc.

 

 

Henry G. Fischer  

(Vice President)

 

Curator Emeritus, Dept. of  Egyptian Art 

  Metropolitan Museum of Art 

 

Bonnie Gehweiler 

Coordinator, Bethlehem 2000 Project 

 

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Writer 

 

Nell MacCracken 

Consultant 

 

Robert L. Norberg 

 

Lachlan Reed 

President, Lachlan International 

 

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Former U.S. Ambassador to Syria 

 

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(President)

 

President, American Independent Oil Co. 

 

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of the Northeast 

 

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(Treasurer)

 

Financial Consultant 

 

AMEU National Council 

 

Hon. James E. Akins 
Isabelle Bacon 
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Barbro Ek 
Paul Findley 
Joseph C. Harsch 
Dr. Francis H. Horn 
Dr. Cornelius B. Houk 
O. Kelly Ingram 
Moorhead Kennedy 
Ann Kerr 
John D. Law 
Prof. George Lenczowski 
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C. Herbert Oliver 
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Dr. John C. Trever 
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 AMEU Staff 

 

John F. Mahoney, 

Executive Director 

Shibabaw Wubetu, 

Accounts Manager 

 

AMEU (

ISSN 0024-4007

) grants permission to 

reproduce material from 

The Link

 in part or in 

whole. We ask that credit be given to AMEU and 
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We announce with sadness the deaths of 

Ambassador Marshall W. Wiley and Father 
Joseph L. Ryan, S.J. 

Marshall W. Wiley 

served in various 

Foreign Service posts, as U. S. Ambassador to 
Oman, Deputy Chief of Mission in Saudi 
Arabia, Chief of the U.S. Interests Section in 
Baghdad, and Director of North African Affairs 
at the U.S. State Department in Washington.  
He also did tours of duty in Yemen, Lebanon 
and Jordan. 

In recent years, Ambassador Wiley 

lectured widely on the Middle East and was a 
frequent participant on national TV news 
programs. Since 1986, he served on our Board 
of Directors.     

His presence on our Board will be missed 

greatly.  We will miss his Middle East 
expertise, his legal counsel, and his company.   
The one-day, round-trip trek by train from his 
home in Maryland to our office in Manhattan 
can be tiresome at best. Marshall seldom 
missed a Directors meeting. The obligation of 
an educational organization to provide reliable 
information was of profound importance to 
him—particularly if the organization was one 
on whose board he served.    

Joseph L. Ryan

 was a Jesuit priest who 

taught at the Jesuits’ Baghdad College in Iraq, 
and later served as dean and academic vice-
president of Al-Hikma University in Iraq.  
From 1971 to 1975, he was an associate of the 
Center for the Study of the Modern Arab World 
at St. Joseph’s University in Beirut, and from 
1984 to 1990 he directed the Pontifical Mission 
for Palestine in Amman, Jordan. 

Father Ryan served on our Board of 

Directors until a few years ago when his health 
began to fail.  Even then he maintained his 
public endorsement of our efforts by accepting 
membership on our National Council.      

An unobtrusive and shy man, Joseph 

Ryan was also an insightful observer of the 
human condition, who did not fear to speak on 
the plight of the Palestinians before 
congressional committees and in churches and 
synagogues. For the past seven years he was in 
residence at Fairfield University in Connecticut, 
where from time to time I’d have lunch or 
supper with him.  His assignment was 
directing retreats for other Jesuits, and he’d 
always be reading the latest books on 
spirituality.  Occasionally he’d tell me about a 
particularly good book he had just read and 
how much it had impressed him. Then he’d 
ask, “How is it over there?” 

—John F. Mahoney 

 

My Story

 

Of course I thought I knew it all back 

then. I was young, idealistic, and more 
than willing to put my life at risk for my 
convictions. It was 1947 and I wasn’t 
quite 18 when the Iraqi authorities 
caught me for smuggling young Iraqi 
Jews like myself out of Iraq, into Iran, 
and then on to the Promised Land of the 
soon-to-be established Israel. 

I was an Iraqi Jew in the Zionist 

underground. My Iraqi jailers did 
everything they could to extract the 
names of my co-conspirators. Fifty years 
later, pain still throbs in my right toe—a 
reminder of the day my captors used 
pliers to remove my toenails. On another 
occasion, they hauled me to the flat roof 
of the prison, stripped me bare on a 
frigid January day, then threw a bucket 
of cold water over me.  I was left there, 
chained to the railing, for hours. But I 
never once considered giving them the 
information they wanted. I was a true 
believer.  

My preoccupation during what I 

refer  to  as  my  “two  years  in  hell”  was 
with survival and escape. I had no 
interest then in the broad sweep of 
Jewish history in Iraq even though my 
family had been part of it right from the 
beginning.  We were originally Haroons, 
a large and important family of the 
“Babylonian Diaspora.” My ancestors 
had settled in Iraq more than 2,600 years 
ago—600 years before Christianity, and 
1,200 years before Islam. I am descended 
from Jews who built the tomb of 
Yehezkel, a Jewish prophet of pre-
biblical times. My town, where I was 
born in 1929, is Hillah, not far from the 
ancient site of Babylon. 

The original Jews found Babylon, 

with its nourishing Tigris and Euphrates 
rivers, to be truly a land of milk, honey, 
abundance—and opportunity.  Although 
Jews, like other minorities in what 
became Iraq, experienced periods of 
oppression and discrimination 
depending on the rulers of the period, 
their general trajectory over two and 

(Continued from Page 1.) 

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one-half millennia was upward. Under the late Ottoman 
rule, for example, Jewish social and religious institutions, 
schools, and medical facilities flourished without outside 
interference, and Jews were prominent in government 
and business.   

As I sat there in my cell, unaware that a death 

sentence soon would be handed down against me, I 
could not have recounted any personal grievances that 
my family members would have lodged against the 
government or the Muslim majority.  Our family had 
been treated well and had prospered, first as farmers 
with some 50,000 acres devoted to rice, dates and Arab 
horses. Then, with the Ottomans, we bought and 
purified gold that was shipped to Istanbul and turned 
into coinage. The Turks were responsible in fact for 
changing our name to reflect our occupation—we 
became Khalaschi, meaning “Makers of 
Pure.”  

I did not volunteer the information to 

my father that I had joined the Zionist 
underground.  He found out several 
months before I was arrested when he saw 
me writing Hebrew and using words and 
expressions  unfamiliar  to  him.    He  was 
even more surprised to learn that, yes, I 
had decided I would soon move to Israel 
myself.  He was scornful.  “You’ll come 
back with your tail between your legs,” he 
predicted.  

About 125,000 Jews left Iraq for Israel 

in the late 1940s and into 1952, most 
because they had been lied to and put into 
a panic by what I came to learn were 
Zionist bombs.  But my mother and father 
were among the 6,000 who did not go to 
Israel.  Although physically I never did 
return to Iraq—that bridge had been burned in any 
event—my heart has made the journey there many, 
many times. My father had it right.  

I was imprisoned at the military camp of Abu-Greib, 

about 7 miles from Baghdad. When the military court 
handed down my sentence of death by hanging, I had 
nothing to lose by attempting the escape I had been 
planning for many months. 

It was a strange recipe for an escape: a dab of butter, 

an orange peel, and some army clothing that I had asked 
a friend to buy for me at a flea market. I deliberately ate 
as much bread as I could to put on fat in anticipation of 
the day I became 18, when they could formally charge 
me with a crime and attach the 50-pound ball and chain 
that was standard prisoner issue.  

Later, after my leg had been shackled, I went on a 

starvation diet that often left me weak-kneed.  The pat of 
butter was to lubricate my leg in preparation for 
extricating it from the metal band.  The orange peel I 
surreptitiously stuck into the lock on the night of my 
planned escape, having studied how it could be placed in 
such a way as to keep the lock from closing.  

As the jailers turned to go after locking up, I put on 

the old army issue that was indistinguishable from what 
they were wearing—a long, green coat and a stocking 
cap  that  I  pulled  down  over  much  of  my  face  (it  was 
winter). Then I just quietly opened the door and joined 
the departing group of soldiers as they strode down the 
hall and outside, and I offered a “good night” to the shift 
guard as I left.  A friend with a car was waiting to speed 
me away. 

Later I made my way to the new state of 
Israel, arriving in May, 1950.  My passport 
had my name in Arabic and English, but 
the English couldn’t capture the “kh” 
sound, so it was rendered simply as 
Klaski. At the border, the immigration 
people applied the English version, which 
had an Eastern European, Ashkenazi ring 
to it. In one way, this “mistake” was my 
key to discovering very soon just how the 
Israeli caste system worked.  
They asked me where I wanted to go and 
what I wanted to do. I was the son of a 
farmer; I knew all the problems of the 
farm, so I volunteered to go to Dafnah, a 
farming 

kibbutz

 in the high Galilee. I only 

lasted a few weeks. The new immigrants 
were given the worst of everything.  The 
food was the same, but that was the only 
thing that everyone had in common. For 
the immigrants, bad cigarettes, even bad 

toothpaste. Everything. I left. 

Then, through the Jewish Agency, I was advised to 

go to al-Majdal (later renamed Ashkelon), an Arab town 
about 9 miles from Gaza, very close to the 
Mediterranean.  The Israeli government planned to turn 
it into a farmers’ city, so my farm background would be 
an asset there. 

When I reported to the Labor Office in al-Majdal, 

they saw that I could read and write Arabic and Hebrew 
and they said that I could find a good-paying job with 
the Military Governor’s office.  The Arabs were under 
the authority of these Israeli Military Governors.  A clerk 
handed me a bunch of forms in Arabic and Hebrew. 
Now it dawned on me. Before Israel could establish its 
farmers’ city, it had to rid al-Majdal of its indigenous 
Palestinians.  The forms were petitions to the United 

 

N

AEIM

 G

ILADI

 

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Nations Inspectors asking for transfer out of Israel to 
Gaza, which was under Egyptian control.  

I read over the petition.  In signing, the Palestinian 

would be saying that he was of sound mind and body 
and was making the request for transfer free of pressure 
or duress.  Of course, there was no way that they would 
leave without being pressured to do so. These families 
had  been there hundreds of years, as farmers, primitive 
artisans, weavers. The Military Governor prohibited 
them from pursuing their livelihoods, just penned them 
up until they lost hope of resuming their normal lives.  
That’s when they signed to leave.  

I was there and heard their grief.  “Our hearts are in 

pain when we look at the orange trees that we planted 
with our own hands.  Please let us go, let us give water to 
those trees. God will not be pleased with us if we leave 
His trees untended.” I asked the Military Governor to 
give  them  relief,  but  he  said,  “No,  we  want  them  to 
leave.”  

I could no longer be part of this oppression and I left. 

Those Palestinians who didn’t sign up for transfers were 
taken by force—just put in trucks and dumped in Gaza.  
About four thousand people were driven from al-Majdal 
in one way or another. The few who remained were 
collaborators with the Israeli authorities.  

Subsequently, I wrote letters trying to get a 

government job elsewhere and I got many immediate 
responses asking me to come for an interview. Then they 
would discover that my face didn’t match my Polish/
Ashkenazi name. They would ask if I spoke Yiddish or 
Polish, and when I said I didn’t, they would ask where I 
came by a Polish name. Desperate for a good job, I would 
usually say that I thought my great-grandfather was 
from Poland. I was advised time and again that “we’ll 
give you a call.” 

Eventually, three to four years after coming to Israel, 

I changed my name to Giladi, which is close to the code 
name, Gilad, that I had in the Zionist underground.  
Klaski wasn’t doing me any good anyway, and my 
Eastern friends were always chiding me about the name 
they knew didn’t go with my origins as an Iraqi Jew. 

I was disillusioned at what I found in the Promised 

Land, disillusioned personally, disillusioned at the 
institutionalized racism, disillusioned at what I was 
beginning to learn about Zionism’s cruelties. The 
principal interest Israel had in Jews from Islamic 
countries was as a supply of cheap labor, especially for 
the farm work that was beneath the urbanized Eastern 
European Jews. Ben Gurion needed the “Oriental” Jews 
to farm the thousands of acres of land left by Palestinians 
who were driven out by Israeli forces in 1948.   

And I began to find out about the barbaric methods 

used to rid the fledgling state of as many Palestinians as 
possible. The world recoils today at the thought of 
bacteriological warfare, but Israel was probably the first 
to actually use it in the Middle East. In the 1948 war, 
Jewish forces would empty Arab villages of their 
populations, often by threats, sometimes by just gunning 
down a half-dozen unarmed Arabs as examples to the 
rest. To make sure the Arabs couldn’t return to make a 
fresh life for themselves in these villages, the Israelis put 
typhus and dysentery bacteria into the water wells.  

Uri Mileshtin, an official historian for the Israeli 

Defense Force, has written and spoken about the use of 
bacteriological agents.

1

 According to Mileshtin, Moshe 

Dayan, a division commander at the time, gave orders in 
1948 to remove Arabs from their villages, bulldoze their 
homes,  and  render  water  wells  unusable  with  typhus 
and dysentery bacteria.  

Acre was so situated that it could practically defend 

itself with one big gun, so the Haganah put bacteria into 
the spring that fed the town. The spring was called Capri 
and it ran from the north near a kibbutz. The Haganah 
put typhus bacteria into the water going to Acre, the 
people got sick, and the Jewish forces occupied Acre. 
This worked so well that they sent a Haganah division 
dressed as Arabs into Gaza, where there were Egyptian 
forces, and the Egyptians caught them putting two cans 
of bacteria, typhus and dysentery, into the water supply 
in wanton disregard of the civilian population. “In war, 
there is no sentiment,” one of the captured Haganah men 
was quoted as saying.  

My activism in Israel began shortly after I received a 

letter from the Socialist/Zionist Party asking me to help 
with their Arabic newspaper.  When I showed up at their 
offices at Central House in Tel Aviv, I asked around to 
see just where I should report. I showed the letter to a 
couple of people there and, without even looking at it, 
they would motion me away with the words,  “Room 
No. 8.” When I saw that they weren’t even reading the 
letter, I inquired of several others. But the response was 
the same, “Room No. 8,” with not a glance at the paper I 
put in front of them.  

So I went to Room 8 and saw that it was the 

Department of Jews from Islamic Countries. I was 
disgusted and angry. Either I am a member of the party 
or  I’m  not.  Do  I  have  a  different  ideology  or  different 
politics because I am an Arab Jew? It’s segregation, I 
thought, just like a Negroes’ Department. I turned 
around and walked out. That was the start of my open 
protests.  That same year I organized a demonstration in 
Ashkelon against Ben Gurion’s racist policies and 10,000 
people turned out. 

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There wasn’t much opportunity for those of us who 

were second class citizens to do much about it when 
Israel was on a war footing with outside enemies. After 
the 1967 war, I was in the Army myself and served in the 
Sinai when there was continued fighting along the Suez 
Canal. But the cease-fire with Egypt in 1970 gave us our 
opening. We took to the streets and organized politically 
to demand equal rights. If it’s our country, if we were 
expected to risk our lives in a border war, then we 
expected equal treatment. 

We mounted the struggle so tenaciously and 

received so much publicity that the Israeli government 
tried to discredit our movement by calling us “Israel’s 
Black  Panthers.”  They  were  thinking  in  racist  terms, 
really, in assuming the Israeli public would reject an 
organization whose ideology was being compared to that 
of  radical  blacks  in  the  United  States.    But  we  saw  that 
what we were doing was no different than what blacks in 
the United States were fighting against—segregation, 
discrimination, unequal treatment. Rather than reject the 
label, we adopted it proudly.  I had posters of Martin 
Luther King, Malcolm X, Nelson Mandela and other civil 
rights activists plastered all over my office. 

With the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and the Israeli-

condoned Sabra and Shatilla massacres, I had had 

enough of Israel. I 
became a United States 
citizen and made certain 
to revoke my Israeli 
citizenship. I could never 
have written and 
published my book in 
Israel, not with the 
censorship they would 
impose.  
Even in America, I had 
great difficulty finding a 
publisher because many 
are subject to pressures of 
one kind or another from 

Israel and its friends.  I ended up paying $60,000 from 
my own pocket to publish 

Ben Gurion’s Scandals: How the 

Haganah & the Mossad Eliminated Jews

, virtually the entire 

proceeds from having sold my house in Israel.  

I still was afraid that the printer would back out or 

that legal proceedings would be initiated to stop its 
publication, like the Israeli government did in an attempt 
to prevent former Mossad case officer Victor Ostrovsky 
from publishing his first book.

2

 

Ben Gurion’s Scandals

 had 

to be translated into English from two languages. I wrote 
in Hebrew when I was in Israel and hoped to publish the 
book there, and I wrote in Arabic when I was completing 

the book after coming to the U.S. But I was so worried 
that something would stop publication that I told the 
printer not to wait for the translations to be thoroughly 
checked and proofread.  Now I realize that the publicity 
of a lawsuit would just have created a controversial 
interest in the book.  

I am using bank vault storage for the valuable 

documents  that  back  up  what  I  have  written.    These 
documents, including some that I illegally copied from 
the archives at Yad Vashem, confirm what I saw myself, 
what I was told by other witnesses, and what reputable 
historians and others have written concerning the Zionist 
bombings in Iraq, Arab peace overtures that were 
rebuffed, and incidents of violence and death inflicted by 
Jews on Jews in the cause of creating Israel.

  

The Riots of 1941 

If, as I have said, my family in Iraq was not 

persecuted personally and I knew no deprivation as a 
member of the Jewish minority, what led me to the steps 
of the gallows as a member of the Zionist underground?  
To answer that question, it is necessary to establish the 
context of the massacre that occurred in Baghdad on June 
1, 1941, when several hundred Iraqi Jews were killed in 
riots involving junior officers of the Iraqi army.  I was 12 
years of age and many of those killed were my friends.  I 
was angry, and very confused. 

 What I didn’t know at the time was that the riots 

most likely were stirred up by the British, in collusion 
with a pro-British Iraqi leadership.  

With the breakup of the Ottoman Empire following 

WW I, Iraq came under British “tutelage.”  Amir Faisal, 
son of Sharif Hussein who had led the Arab Revolt 
against the Ottoman sultan, was brought in from Mecca 
by the British to become King of Iraq in 1921. Many Jews 
were appointed to key administrative posts, including 
that of economics minister.  Britain retained final 
authority over domestic and external affairs.   

Britain’s pro-Zionist attitude in Palestine, however, 

triggered a growing anti-Zionist backlash in Iraq, as it 
did in all Arab countries.  Writing at the end of 1934, Sir 
Francis Humphreys, Britain’s Ambassador in Baghdad, 
noted that, while before WW I Iraqi Jews had enjoyed a 
more favorable position than any other minority in the 
country, since then  “Zionism has sown dissension 
between Jews and Arabs, and a bitterness has grown up 
between the two peoples which did not previously 
exist.”

3

  

King Faisal died in 1933.  He was succeeded by his 

son Ghazi, who died in a motor car accident in 1939.  The 
crown then passed to Ghazi’s 4-year-old son, Faisal II, 
whose uncle, Abd al-Ilah, was named regent. Abd al-Ilah 

 

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selected Nouri el-Said as prime minister.  El-Said 
supported the British and, as hatred of the British grew, 
he  was  forced  from  office  in  March  1940  by  four  senior 
army officers who advocated Iraq’s independence from 
Britain. Calling themselves the Golden Square, the 
officers  compelled the regent to name as prime minister 
Rashid Ali al-Kilani, leader of the National Brotherhood 
party.   

The time was 1940 and Britain was reeling from a 

strong German offensive. Al-Kilani and the Golden 
Square saw this as their opportunity to rid themselves of 
the British once and for all. Cautiously they began to 
negotiate for German support, which led the pro-British 
regent Abd al-Ilah to dismiss al-Kilani in January 1941.   
By  April,  however,  the  Golden  Square  officers  had 
reinstated the prime minister. 

This provoked the British to send a military force 

into Basra on April 12, 1941.  Basra, Iraq’s second largest 
city, had a Jewish population of 30,000.  Most of these 
Jews made their livings from import/export, money 
changing, retailing, as workers in the airports, railways, 
and ports, or as senior government employees. 

On the same day, April 12, supporters of the pro-

British regent notified the Jewish leaders that the regent 
wanted to meet with them.  As was their custom, the 
leaders brought flowers for the regent.  Contrary to 
custom, however, the cars that drove them to the 
meeting place dropped them off at the site where the 
British soldiers were concentrated.  

Photographs of the Jews appeared in the following 

day’s newspapers with the banner “Basra Jews Receive 
British Troops with Flowers.”  That same day, April 13, 
groups of angry Arab youths set about to take revenge 
against the Jews.  Several Muslim notables in Basra heard 
of the plan and calmed things down. Later, it was 
learned that the regent was not in Basra at all and that 
the matter was a provocation by his pro-British 
supporters to bring about an ethnic war in order to give 
the British army a pretext to intervene.   

The British continued to land more forces in and 

around Basra.  On May 7, 1941, their Gurkha unit, 
composed  of  Indian  soldiers  from  that  ethnic  group, 
occupied Basra’s el-Oshar quarter, a neighborhood with 
a large Jewish population. The soldiers, led by British 
officers, began looting.   Many shops in the commercial 
district were plundered. Private homes were broken into.  
Cases of attempted rape were reported. Local residents, 
Jews and Muslims, responded with pistols and old rifles, 
but their bullets were no match for the soldiers’ Tommy 
Guns.   

Afterwards, it was learned that the soldiers acted 

with the acquiescence, if not the blessing, of their British 

commanders. (It should be remembered that the Indian 
soldiers, especially those of the Gurkha unit, were 
known for their discipline, and it is highly unlikely they 
would have acted so riotously without orders.)  The 
British goal clearly was to create chaos and to blacken the 
image of the pro-nationalist regime in Baghdad, thereby 
giving the British forces reason to proceed to the capital 
and to overthrow the al-Kilani government.   

Baghdad fell on May 30.  Al-Kilani fled to Iran, along 

with the Golden Square officers.  Radio stations run by 
the British reported that Regent Abd al-Ilah would be 
returning to the city and that thousands of Jews and 
others were planning to welcome him. What inflamed 
young Iraqis against the Jews most, however, was the 
radio announcer Yunas Bahri on the German station 
“Berlin,” who reported in Arabic that Jews from 
Palestine were fighting alongside the British against Iraqi 
soldiers near the city of Faluja.  The report was false. 

On Sunday, June 1, unarmed fighting broke out in 

Baghdad between Jews who were still celebrating their 
Shabuoth holiday and young Iraqis who thought the 
Jews were celebrating the return of the pro-British 
regent. That evening, a group of Iraqis stopped a bus, 
removed the Jewish passengers, murdered one and 
fatally wounded a second.  

About 8:30 the following morning, some 30 

individuals in military and police uniforms opened fire 
along el-Amin street, a small downtown street whose 
jewelry, tailor and grocery shops were Jewish-owned.  
By 11 a.m., mobs of Iraqis with knives, switchblades and 
clubs were attacking Jewish homes in the area.   

The riots continued throughout Monday, June 2. 

During this time, many Muslims rose to defend their 
Jewish neighbors, while some Jews successfully 
defended themselves. There were 124 killed and 400 
injured, according to a report written by a Jewish Agency 
messenger who was in Iraq at the time. Other estimates, 
possibly less reliable, put the death toll higher, as many 
as 500, with from 650 to 2,000 injured. From 500 to 1,300 
stores and more than 1,000 homes and apartments were 
looted. 

Who was behind the rioting in the Jewish quarter?  

Yosef Meir, one of the most prominent activists in the 
Zionist underground movement in Iraq, known then as 
Yehoshafat, claims it was the British.  Meir, who now 
works for the Israeli Defense Ministry, argues that, in 
order to make it appear that the regent was returning as 
the savior who would reestablish law and order, the 
British stirred up the riots against the most vulnerable 
and visible segment in the city, the Jews.  And, not 
surprisingly, the riots ended as soon as the regent’s loyal 
soldiers entered the capital.

4

 

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 My own investigations as a journalist lead me to 

believe Meir is correct.  Furthermore, I think his claims 
should be seen as based on documents in the archives of 
the Israeli Defense Ministry, the agency that published 
his book. Yet, even before his book came out, I had 
independent confirmation from a man I met in Iran in 
the late Forties. 

His name was Michael Timosian, an Iraqi Armenian. 

When I met him he was working as a male nurse at the 
Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in Abadan in the south of 
Iran. On June 2, 1941, however, he was working at the 
Baghdad hospital where many of the riot victims were 
brought. Most of these victims were Jews.  

Timosian said he was particularly interested in two 

patients whose conduct did not follow local custom.  One 
had been hit by a bullet in his shoulder, the other by a 
bullet in his right knee.  After the doctor removed the 
bullets, the staff tried to change their blood-soaked 
cloths.  But the two men fought off their efforts, 
pretending to be speechless, although tests showed they 
could hear. To pacify them, the doctor injected them with 
anesthetics and, as they were sleeping, Timosian 
changed their cloths. He discovered that one of them had 
around his neck an identification tag of the type used by 
British troops, while the other had tattoos with Indian 
script on his right arm along with the familiar sword of 
the Gurkha.    

The next day when Timosian showed up for work, 

he was told that a British officer, his sergeant and two 
Indian Gurkha soldiers had come to the hospital early 
that morning. Staff members overheard the Gurkha 
soldiers talking with the wounded patients, who were 
not as dumb as they had pretended. The patients saluted 
the visitors, covered themselves with sheets and, without 
signing the required release forms, left the hospital with 
their visitors. 

Today  there  is  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  the  anti-

Jewish riots of 1941 were orchestrated by the British for 
geopolitical ends.  David Kimche is certainly a man who 
was in a position to know the truth, and he has spoken 
publicly about British culpability. Kimche had been with 
British Intelligence during WW II and with the Mossad 
after the war. Later he became Director General of 
Israel’s Foreign Ministry, the position he held in 1982 
when he addressed a forum at the British Institute for 
International Affairs in London.  

In responding to hostile questions about Israel’s 

invasion of Lebanon and the refugee camp massacres in 
Beirut, Kimche went on the attack, reminding the 
audience that there was scant concern in the British 
Foreign Office when British Gurkha units participated in 
the murder of 500 Jews in the streets of Baghdad in 1941.

5

 

The Bombings of 1950-1951 

The anti-Jewish riots of 1941 did more than create a 

pretext for the British to enter Baghdad to reinstate the 
pro-British regent and his pro-British prime minister, 
Nouri el-Said. They also gave the Zionists in Palestine a 
pretext to set up a Zionist underground in Iraq, first in 
Baghdad, then in other cities such as Basra, Amara, 
Hillah, Diwaneia, Abril and Karkouk. 

Following WW II, a succession of governments held 

brief power in Iraq.  Zionist conquests in Palestine, 
particularly the massacre of Palestinians in the village of 
Deir Yassin, emboldened the anti-British movement in 
Iraq.  When the Iraqi government signed a new treaty of 
friendship with London in January 1948, riots broke out 
all over the country.  The treaty was quickly abandoned 
and Baghdad demanded removal of the British military 
mission that had run Iraq’s army for 27 years.    

Later in 1948, Baghdad sent an army detachment to 

Palestine to fight the Zionists, and when Israel declared 
independence in May, Iraq closed the pipeline that fed its 
oil to Haifa’s refinery. Abd al-Ilah, however, was still 
regent and the British quisling, Nouri el-Said, was back 
as prime minister.  I was in the Abu-Greib prison in 1948, 
where I would remain until my escape to Iran in 
September 1949. 

Six months later—the exact date was March 19, 

1950—a bomb went off at the American Cultural Center 
and Library in Baghdad, causing property damage and 
injuring a number of people.   The center was a favorite 
meeting place for young Jews.   

The first bomb thrown directly at Jews occurred on 

April 8, 1950, at 9:15 p.m. A car with three young 
passengers hurled the grenade at Baghdad’s El-Dar El-
Bida Café, where Jews were celebrating Passover. Four 
people were seriously injured. That night leaflets were 
distributed calling on Jews to leave Iraq immediately.  

The  next  day,  many  Jews,  most  of  them  poor  with 

nothing to lose, jammed emigration offices to renounce 
their citizenship and to apply for permission to leave for 
Israel.   So many applied, in fact, that the police had to 
open registration offices in Jewish schools and 
synagogues. 

On May 10, at 3 a.m., a grenade was tossed in the 

direction of the display window of the Jewish-owned  
Beit-Lawi Automobile Company, destroying part of the 
building.  No casualties were reported. 

On June 3, 1950, another grenade was tossed from a 

speeding car in the El-Batawin area of Baghdad where 
most rich Jews and middle class Iraqis lived. No one was 
hurt, but following the explosion Zionist activists sent 
telegrams to Israel requesting that the quota for 

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immigration from Iraq be increased.  

On June 5, at 2:30 a.m., a bomb exploded next to the 

Jewish-owned Stanley Shashua building on El-Rashid 
street, resulting in property damage but no casualties. 

On January 14, 1951, at 7 p.m., a grenade was thrown 

at a group of Jews outside the Masouda Shem-Tov 
Synagogue. The explosive struck a high-voltage cable, 
electrocuting three Jews, one a young boy, Itzhak 
Elmacher, and wounding over 30 others.  Following the 
attack, the exodus of Jews jumped to between 600-700 
per day. 

Zionist propagandists still maintain that the bombs 

in Iraq were set off by anti-Jewish Iraqis who wanted 
Jews out of their country. The terrible truth is that the 
grenades that killed and maimed Iraqi Jews and 
damaged their property were thrown by Zionist Jews. 

Among the most important documents in my book, I 

believe, are copies of two leaflets published by the 
Zionist underground calling on Jews to leave Iraq.  One 
is dated March 16, 1950, the other April 8, 1950. 

The difference between these two is critical.   Both 

indicate the date of publication, but only the April 8

th

 

leaflet notes the time of day: 4  p.m.  Why the time of 
day?   Such a specification was unprecedented.  Even the 
investigating judge, Salaman El-Beit, found it suspicious.  
Did the 4 p.m. writers want an alibi for a bombing they 
knew would occur five hours later?  If so, how did they 
know about the bombing?  The judge concluded  they 

knew because a connection existed between the Zionist 
underground and the bomb throwers. 

 This, too, was the conclusion of Wilbur Crane 

Eveland, a former senior officer in the Central 
Intelligence Agency (CIA), whom I had the opportunity 
to meet in New York in 1988.   In his book, 

Ropes of Sand

whose publication the CIA opposed, Eveland writes: 

In attempts to portray the Iraqis as anti-

American and to terrorize the Jews, the Zionists 
planted bombs in the U.S. Information Service 
library and in synagogues.  Soon leaflets began to 
appear urging Jews to flee to Israel. . . . Although the 
Iraqi police later provided our embassy with 
evidence to show that the synagogue and library 
bombings, as well as the anti-Jewish and anti-
American leaflet campaigns, had been the work of 
an underground Zionist organization, most of the 
world believed reports that Arab terrorism had 
motivated the flight of the Iraqi Jews whom the 
Zionists had “rescued” really just in order to 
increase Israel’s Jewish population.”

6

   

 

Eveland doesn’t detail the evidence linking the 

Zionists to the attacks, but in my book I do. In 1955, for 
example, I organized in Israel a panel of Jewish attorneys 
of Iraqi origin to handle claims of Iraqi Jews who still 
had property in Iraq.  One well known attorney, who 
asked that I not give his name, confided in me that the 
laboratory tests in Iraq had confirmed that the anti-
American leaflets found at the American Cultural Center 
bombing were typed on the same typewriter and 

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Leaflets distributed by the Zionist underground in Iraq were 
few in number, sometimes issued months apart. The leaflet of 
April 8, 1950, was unusual in that it carried the time of day—4 
o’clock p.m.—not just the date. Five hours later, during 
Passover celebrations in Baghdad, a cafe frequented by Jews 
was the target of a bomb.  Was the hour mentioned because 
the underground itself was behind the bombing, which it 
hoped would violently punctuate its 4 p.m.  advisory? There 
is strong evidence to support that conclusion. 

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duplicated on the same stenciling machine as the leaflets 
distributed by the Zionist movement just before the April 
8

th

 bombing. 

 Tests also showed that the type of explosive used in 

the Beit-Lawi attack matched traces of explosives found 
in the suitcase of an Iraqi Jew by the name of Yosef Basri.  
Basri, a lawyer, together with Shalom Salih, a shoemaker, 
would be put on trial for the attacks in December 1951 
and executed the following month. Both men were 
members of Hashura, the military arm of the Zionist 
underground.  Salih ultimately confessed that he, Basri 
and a third man, Yosef Habaza, carried out the attacks.  

By the time of the executions in January 1952, all but 

6,000 of an estimated 125,000 Iraqi Jews had fled to Israel. 
Moreover, the pro-British, pro-Zionist puppet el-Said 
saw to it that all of their possessions were frozen, 
including their cash assets. (There were ways of getting 
Iraqi dinars out, but when the immigrants went to 
exchange them in Israel they found that the Israeli 
government kept 50 percent of the value.) Even those 
Iraqi Jews who had not registered to emigrate, but who 
happened to be abroad, faced loss of their nationality if 
they didn’t return within a specified time. An ancient, 
cultured, prosperous community had been uprooted and 
its people transplanted to a land dominated by East 
European Jews, whose culture was not only foreign but 
entirely hateful to them.  

The Ultimate Criminals

 

Zionist Leaders

.  From the start they knew that in 

order to establish a Jewish state they had to expel the 
indigenous Palestinian population to the neighboring 
Islamic states and import Jews from these same states.  

Theodor Herzl

, the architect of Zionism, thought it 

could be done by social engineering.  In his  diary entry 
for 12 June 1885, he wrote that Zionist settlers would 
have to “spirit the penniless population across the border 
by procuring employment for it in the transit countries, 
while denying it any employment in our own country.”

7

  

Vladimir Jabotinsky

, Prime Minister Netanyahu’s 

ideological progenitor, frankly admitted that such a 
transfer of populations could only be brought about by 
force.   

David Ben Gurion

, Israel’s first prime minister, told 

a Zionist Conference in 1937 that any proposed Jewish 
state would have to “transfer Arab populations out of the 
area, if possible of their own free will, if not by 
coercion.”

8

 After 750,000 Palestinians were uprooted and 

their lands confiscated in 1948-49, Ben Gurion had to 
look to the Islamic countries for Jews who could fill the 
resultant cheap labor market.  “Emissaries” were 
smuggled into these countries to “convince” Jews to 

leave either by trickery or fear.   

In the case of Iraq, both methods were used: 

uneducated Jews were told of a Messianic Israel in which 
the blind see, the lame walk, and onions grow as big as 
melons; educated Jews had bombs thrown at them.  

A few years after the bombings, in the early 1950s, a 

book was published in Iraq, in Arabic, titled 

Venom of the 

Zionist Viper

. The author was one of the Iraqi 

investigators of the 1950-51 bombings and, in his book, 
he implicates the Israelis, specifically one of the 
emissaries sent by Israel, Mordechai Ben-Porat. As soon 
as the book came out, all copies just disappeared, even 
from libraries. The word was that agents of the Israeli 
Mossad, working through the U.S. Embassy, bought up 
all the books and destroyed them. I tried on three 
different occasions to have one sent to me in Israel, but 
each time Israeli censors in the post office intercepted it.  

British Leaders

.  Britain always acted in its best 

colonial interests. For that reason Foreign Minister 

Arthur Balfour

 sent his famous 1917 letter to Lord 

Rothschild in exchange for Zionist support in WW I. 
During WW II the British were primarily concerned with 
keeping their client states in the Western camp, while 
Zionists were most concerned with the immigration of 
European Jews to Palestine, even if this meant 
cooperating with the Nazis. (In my book I document 
numerous instances of such dealings by Ben Gurion and 
the Zionist leadership.)   

After WW II the international chessboard pitted 

communists against capitalists.  In many countries, 
including the United States and Iraq, Jews represented a 
large part of the Communist party. In Iraq, hundreds of 
Jews of the working intelligentsia occupied key positions 
in the hierarchy of the Communist and Socialist parties. 
To keep their client countries in the capitalist camp, 
Britain had to make sure these governments had pro-
British leaders. And if, as in Iraq, these leaders were 
overthrown, then an anti-Jewish riot or two could prove 
a useful pretext to invade the capital and reinstate the 
“right” leaders.  

Moreover, if the possibility existed of removing the 

communist influence from Iraq by transferring the whole 
Jewish community to Israel, well then, why not? 
Particularly if the leaders of Israel and Iraq conspired in 
the deed. 

The Iraqi Leaders

.  Both the regent 

Abd al-Ilah

 and 

his prime minister 

Nouri el- Said

 took directions from 

London. Toward the end of 1948, el-Said, who had 
already met with Israel’s Prime Minister Ben Gurion in 
Vienna, began discussing with his Iraqi and British 
associates the need for an exchange of populations. Iraq 
would send the Jews in military trucks to Israel via 

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Jordan, and Iraq would take in some of the Palestinians 
Israel had been evicting.  His proposal included mutual 
confiscation of property.  London nixed the idea as too 
radical.   

El-Said then went to his back-up plan and began to 

create the conditions that would make the lives of Iraqi 
Jews so miserable they would leave for Israel. Jewish 
government employees were fired from their jobs; Jewish 
merchants were denied import/export licenses; police 
began to arrest Jews for trivial reasons. Still the Jews did 
not leave in any great numbers.  

In September 1949, Israel sent the spy 

Mordechai 

Ben-Porat

, the one mentioned in

 Venom of the Zionist 

Viper

, to Iraq. One of the first things Ben-Porat did was to 

approach el-Said and promise him financial incentives to 
have a law enacted that would lift the citizenship of Iraqi 
Jews.   

Soon after, Zionist 

a n d   I r a q i 
representatives began 
formulating a rough 
draft of the bill, 
according to the 
model dictated by 
Israel through its 
agents in Baghdad. 
The bill was passed by 
the Iraqi parliament in 
March 1950. It 
e m p o w e r e d   t h e 
government to issue 
one-time exit visas to 
Jews wishing to leave 
the country.  In 
March, the bombings 
began.  

Sixteen years later, 

the Israeli magazine 

H a o l a m   H a z e h

published by Uri 
Avnery, then a 
Knesset member, accused Ben-Porat of the Baghdad 
bombings.  Ben-Porat, who would become a Knesset 
member himself, denied the charge, but never sued the 
magazine for libel. And Iraqi Jews in Israel still call him 
Morad Abu al-Knabel, Mordechai of the Bombs.  

As I said, all this went well beyond the 

comprehension of a teenager. I knew Jews were being 
killed and an organization existed that could lead us to 
the Promised Land. So I helped in the exodus to Israel. 
Later,  on  occasions,  I  would  bump  into  some  of  these 
Iraqi Jews in Israel.  Not infrequently they’d express the 

sentiment that they could kill me for what I had done. 

Opportunities 

 for Peace 

After the Israeli attack on the Jordanian village of 

Qibya in October, 1953, Ben Gurion went into voluntary 
exile at the Sedeh Boker 

kibbutz

 in the Negev. The Labor 

party then used to organize many buses for people to go 
visit him there, where they would see the former prime 
minister working with sheep.  But that was only for 
show.  Really he was writing his diary and continuing to 
be active behind the scenes.  I went on such a tour. 

We were told not to try to speak to Ben Gurion, but 

when I saw him, I asked why, since Israel is a democracy 
with a parliament, does it not have a constitution?  Ben 
Gurion said, “Look, boy”—I was 24 at the time—“if we 

have a constitution, 
we have to write in it 
the border of our 
country.  And this is 
not our border, my 
dear.”  I asked, “Then 
where is the border?”  
He said, “Wherever 
the 

Sahal

 will come, 

this is the border.” 

 

Sahal 

is the Israeli 

army.  
Ben Gurion told the 
world that Israel 
accepted the partition 
and the Arabs rejected 
it.  Then Israel took 
half of the land that 
was promised to the 
Arab state.  And still 
he was saying it was 
not enough.  Israel 
needed more land. 

 

How can a country 
make peace with its 

neighbors if it wants to take their land?  How can a 
country demand to be secure if it won’t say what borders 
it will be satisfied with?  For such a country, peace would 
be an inconvenience. 

I know now that from the beginning many Arab 

leaders wanted to make peace with Israel, but Israel 
always refused.  Ben Gurion covered this up with 
propaganda.  He said that the Arabs wanted to drive 
Israel into the sea and he called Gamal Abdel Nasser the 
Hitler of the Middle East whose foremost intent was to 
destroy Israel.  He wanted America and Great Britain to 
treat Nasser like a pariah. 

 

The author (right) was an activist in what became known as Israel’s “Black 
Panthers,” a movement of Jews from Islamic countries that fought against 
ethnic discrimination.  Giladi represented the movement on the executive 
committee of the Histadrut, Israel’s trade union. This photo was taken in 1979 
as members of an Israeli Architects Association signed petitions for Giladi’s 
candidacy in Histadrut elections.  

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In 1954, it seemed that America was getting less 

critical of Nasser.  Then during a three-week period in 
July, several terrorist bombs were set off: at the United 
States Information Agency offices in Cairo and 
Alexandria, a British-owned theater, and the central post 
office in Cairo. An attempt to firebomb a cinema in 
Alexandria failed when the bomb went off in the pocket 
of one of the perpetrators.  That led to the discovery that 
the terrorists were not anti-Western Egyptians, but were 
instead Israeli spies bent on souring the warming 
relationship between Egypt and the United States in 
what came to be known as the Lavon Affair.   

Ben Gurion was still living on his 

kibbutz

.  Moshe 

Sharett as prime minister was in contact with Abdel 
Nasser through the offices of Lord Maurice Orbach of 
Great Britain.  Sharett asked Nasser to be lenient with the 
captured spies, and Nasser did all that was in his power 
to prevent a deterioration of the situation between the 
two countries.   

Then Ben Gurion returned as Defense Minister in 

February, 1955.  Later that month Israeli troops attacked 
Egyptian military camps and Palestinian refugees in 
Gaza, killing 54 and injuring many more.  The very night 
of the attack, Lord Orbach was on his way to deliver a 
message to Nasser, but was unable to get through 
because of the military action.  When Orbach telephoned, 
Nasser's secretary told him that the attack proved that 
Israel did not want peace and that he was wasting his 
time as a mediator.   

In November, Ben Gurion announced in the Knesset 

that he was willing to meet with Abdel Nasser anywhere 
and at any time for the sake of peace and understanding.  
The next morning the Israeli military attacked an 
Egyptian military camp in the Sabaha region.  

Although Nasser felt pessimistic about achieving 

peace with Israel, he continued to send other mediators 
to try.  One was through the American Friends Service 
Committee; another via the Prime Minister of Malta, 
Dom Minthoff; and still another through Marshall Tito of 
Yugoslavia.   

One that looked particularly promising was through 

Dennis Hamilton, editor of

 The London Times

.  Nasser 

told Hamilton that if only he could sit and talk with Ben 
Gurion for two or three hours,  they  would  be  able  to 
settle the conflict and end the state of war between the 
two countries.  When word of  this reached Ben Gurion, 
he  arranged  to  meet  with  Hamilton.  They  decided  to 
pursue the matter with the Israeli ambassador in 
London, Arthur Luria, as liaison.  On Hamilton's third 
trip to Egypt, Nasser met him with the text of a Ben 
Gurion speech stating that Israel would not give up an 
inch of land and would not take back a single refugee.  

Hamilton knew that Ben Gurion with his mouth had 
undermined a peace mission and missed an opportunity 
to settle the Israeli-Arab conflict. 

Nasser even sent his friend Ibrahim Izat of the 

Ruz El 

Yusuf

 weekly paper to meet with Israeli leaders in order 

to explore the political atmosphere and find out why the 
attacks were taking place if Israel really wanted peace.  
One of the men Izat met with was Yigal Yadin, a former 
Chief of Staff of the army who wrote this letter to me on 
14 January 1982: 

Dear Mr. Giladi: 
               Your  letter  reminded  me  of  an  event 

which I nearly forgot and of which I remember only 
a few details. 

               Ibrahim  Izat  came  to  me  if  I  am  not 

mistaken under the request of the Foreign Ministry 
or one of its branches; he stayed in my house and we 
spoke for many hours.  I do not remember him 
saying that he came on a mission from Nasser, but I 
have no doubt that he let it be understood that this 
was with his knowledge or acquiescence.... 

When Nasser decided to nationalize the Suez Canal 

in spite of opposition from the British and the French, 
Radio Cairo announced in Hebrew: 

If the Israeli government is not influenced by 

the British and the French imperialists, it will 
eventually result in greater understanding between 
the two states, and Egypt will reconsider Israel's 
request to have access to the Suez Canal. 

Israel responded that it had no designs on Egypt, but 

at that very moment Israeli representatives were in 
France planning the three-way attack that was to take 
place in October, 1956.   

All the while, Ben Gurion continued to talk about the 

Hitler of the Middle East.  This brainwashing went on 
until late September, 1970, when Gamal Abdel Nasser 
passed away.  Then, miracle of miracles, David Ben 
Gurion told the press: 

A week before he died I received an envoy from 

Abdel Nasser who asked to meet with me urgently 
in order to solve the problems between Israel and 
the Arab world. 

The public was surprised because they didn't know 

that Abdel Nasser had wanted this all along, but Israel 
sabotaged it.   

Nasser was not the only Arab leader who wanted to 

make peace with Israel.  There were many others. 
Brigadier General Abdel Karim Qasem, before he seized 
power in Iraq in July, 1958, headed an underground 
organization that sent a delegation to Israel to make a 
secret agreement. Ben Gurion refused even to see him.  I 
learned about this when I was a journalist in Israel.  But 

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Americans f

or Middle 

 East Unders

tanding 

New York, NY 

 

January 27,

 1998 

Dear Mr. Jo

hn F. Mahone

y: 

Thank you fo

r your Jan.

-March, 1997

 Link.  It 

was one of 

the publicat

ions that m

otivated us

 

to get acti

ve.  

My name is Ko

uthar Al-Ra

wi and I am

 10 years 

old. My  sist

er is Marwa and

 she is 9 ye

ars 

old.  

We want to t

ell everyone

 that an Ir

aqi child 

dies every 10

 minutes, th

at is 150 c

hildren a 

day, and 4,

500 children

 a month. T

he children

 

in Iraq see

 me, my sist

er and othe

r children 

watching th

em die a cr

uel, painful,

 slow 

death, and no

t doing a th

ing to save

 them. We 

all hold th

e ability to

 save these

 children’s

 

lives. 

That is why

 my sister a

nd I starte

d a 

campaign called Reme

mber the Iraqi Childr

en, 

One Million Postcard

s to President Clinto

n. 

We have a mission to

 educate the public on

 

this tragedy in Iraq

, and call for the en

d of 

the embargo. An enti

re generation of chil

dren 

is disappearing becau

se of no food, no cl

ean 

water, and no medicin

e. 

We are calling on peo

ple, especially other

 

children, to write a po

stcard to President 

Clinton calling fo

r an end of the embar

go on 

Iraq, for the sake of

 the children. Send y

our 

cards to us: 

Kouthar and Marwa Al

-Rawi 

Remember the Iraqi Ch

ildren, 

One Million Postcard

s to President Clinto

Campaign 

P.O. Box 1141 

San Pedro, CA 90733 

When we reach our goa

l of one million 

postcards, we will de

liver them to Preside

nt 

Clinton.  

Postcards to Clinton Campaign 

whenever I tried to publish even a small part of it, the 
censor would stamp it "Not Allowed."   

Now, in Netanyahu, we are witnessing another 

attempt by an Israeli prime minister to fake an interest in 
making peace.  Netanyahu and the Likud are setting 
Arafat up by demanding that he institute more and more 
repressive measures in the interest of Israeli “security.”  
Sooner or later I suspect the Palestinians will have had 
enough of Arafat’s strong-arm methods as Israel’s 
quisling—and he’ll be killed.  Then the Israeli 
government will say, “See, we were ready to give him 
everything. You can’t trust those Arabs—they kill each 
other. Now there’s no one to even talk to about peace.” 

Conclusion 

Alexis de Tocqueville once observed that it is easier 

for the world to accept a simple lie than a complex truth. 
Certainly it has been easier for the world to accept the 
Zionist lie that Jews were evicted from Muslim lands 
because of anti-Semitism, and that Israelis, never the 
Arabs, were the pursuers of peace. The truth is far more 
discerning: bigger players on the world stage were 
pulling the strings. 

These players, I believe, should be held accountable 

for their crimes, particularly when they willfully 
terrorized, dispossessed and killed innocent people on 
the altar of some ideological imperative. 

I believe, too, that the descendants of these leaders 

have a moral responsibility to compensate the victims 
and their descendants, and to do so not just with 
reparations, but by setting the historical record straight. 

That is why I established a panel of inquiry in Israel 

to seek reparations for Iraqi Jews who had been forced to 
leave behind their property and possessions in Iraq. That 
is why I joined the Black Panthers in confronting the 
Israeli government with the grievances of the Jews in 
Israel who came from Islamic lands.  And that is why I 
have written my book and this article: to set the historical 
record straight.   

We Jews from Islamic lands did not leave our 

ancestral homes because of any natural enmity between 
Jews and Muslims.  And we Arabs—I say Arab because 
that is the language my wife and I still speak at home—

(Continued on page 13) 

March to Protest Aid to Israel

 

A march on Capitol Hill to protest U.S. aid to Israel will be 
held on May 15, 1998, sponsored by the Council for the 
National Interest. For information, contact the Council’s 
Chairman, former Congressman Paul Findley, at 202-628-
6962. 

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(Continued from page 12) 

we Arabs on numerous occasions have sought peace 
with the State of the Jews.  And finally, as a U.S. citizen 
and taxpayer, let me say that we Americans need to stop 
supporting racial discrimination in Israel and the cruel 
expropriation of lands in the West Bank, Gaza, South 
Lebanon and the Golan Heights.   

  

ENDNOTES

 

1

 

Mileshtin was quoted by the Israeli daily, 

Hadashot

, in an article 

published August 13, 1993. The writer, Sarah Laybobis-Dar, 
interviewed a number of Israelis who had knowledge of the use of 
bacteriological weapons in the 1948 war. Mileshtin said bacteria was 
used to poison the wells of every village emptied of its Arab 

inhabitants.

 

2

 

On Sept. 12, 1990, the New York State Supreme Court issued a 

restraining order at the request of the Israeli government to prevent 
publication of Ostrovsky’s book, “By Way of Deception: The Making 
and Unmaking of a Mossad Officer.” The New York State Appeals 
Court lifted the ban the next day.

 

3

 

Marion Woolfson, “Prophets in Babylon: Jews in the Arab World,” p. 

129

 

4

 

Yosef Meir, “Road in the Desert,” Israeli Defense Ministry, p. 36.

 

5

 

See my book, “Ben Gurion’s Scandals,” p. 105.

 

6

 

Wilbur Crane Eveland, “Ropes of Sand: America’s Failure in 

the Middle East,” NY; Norton, 1980, pp. 48-49.

 

7

 

T. Herzl,

 

“The Complete Diaries,” NY: Herzl Press & Thomas 

Yoncloff, 1960, vol. 1, p. 88.

 

8

 

Report of the Congress of the World Council of Paole Zion, Zurich, 

July 29-August 7, 1937, pp. 73-74.

 

 

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